We, the Mimics

Japan's imitative ability last week turned to politics. Emperor Hirohito and his Shidehara Cabinet, with General MacArthur's enthusiastic endorsement, offered the Japanese 16 closely typed pages of a new Constitution which forswears armies and war, guarantees civil rights, deprives the peerage of its privileges, promises the people an end of police tyranny. Now, with complete responsibility placed squarely on the Cabinet, and the Cabinet made fully answerable to the Diet, Japan would have a form of government more sensitive to democratic pressures.

Something Borrowed. Emperor Meiji's 1889 Constitution had proclaimed that "We [the Emperor] have inherited from Our Ancestors the rights of sovereignty . . . and We shall bequeath them to Our descendants." MacArthurian rhetoric, linking the phrases of Jefferson, Lincoln, and F.D.R., gave Japan a new ruler. "We, the Japanese people . . . do proclaim the sovereignty of the people's will." The Emperor was reduced to a "symbol of the state and of the unity of the people's will." Young Prince Akihito may still inherit a throne, but not a seat of power.

With a sure eye for doctrines popular among the conquerors, however unfamiliar among the conquered, Chief Cabinet Secretary Wataru Narahashi and his fellow Constitution-makers closely paraphrased U.S. political literature. From the Declaration of Independence: "All people shall be respected as individuals, and their right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness shall be . . . the supreme consideration." From the Gettysburg Address: the Government's "authority . . . is derived from the people," its "powers are exercised by representatives of the people," its "benefits are enjoyed by the people." From the Atlantic Charter: "We recognize . . . that all peoples have the right to live in peace, free from fear and want."

In many a resounding article observers detected the hand of the Supreme Allied Commander himself. One read: "The fundamental human rights . . . result from the age-old struggle of man to be free. They have survived the exacting test for durability in the crucible of time and experience, and are conferred upon this and future generations in sacred trust to be held for all time inviolate." Asked if he had seen the Constitution, one Japanese quipped: "Has it been translated into Japanese?"

Something New. The unprecedented no-war clause was the new document's most remarkable. "War . . . is forever renounced as a means of dealing with other nations. The maintenance of land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be authorized." Prime Minister Shidehara and the Tokyo press called on other nations to follow Japan down the sawdust trail. Said Asahi importantly: "World peace cannot be maintained by the unilateral act of Japan alone."

The new chart for democracy will go before the Diet for approval after the April elections. The betting was that it would be accepted with little change. The chief obstacle might be Russia, which promptly complained that General MacArthur had overstepped his powers. "Fundamental changes in the Japanese constitution" are one of the matters specifically reserved for Big Four decision under the Moscow agreement of last December. Although Russia gave no sign what sort of constitution she did want, the Japanese Communists, alone among the political parties, attacked the new document, charging that it was designed to keep the Emperor on the throne.

Progressive Party leader Takao Saito reminded the flattered conquerors that the Emperor's powers had in practice always been nominal. No matter what the Constitution said about sovereignty or disarmament, jingoist leaders might be able to capture the substance of power again.

More than imported rhetoric would be needed to give Japan a grip on democracy. The rhetoric, however, was at least a start.

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