THE ANGELS OF THE TRUMAN CAMPAIGN

For the Democrats, in the gloomy summer of 1948, money was hard to come by. Even tried & true contributors of other years were reluctant to bet on what seemed to be a sure loser. Then Louis Johnson stepped in, raised enough money ($1,500,000) to pay for Harry Truman's whistle-stop campaign. Some of the men on whom Johnson put the bite were longtime Democrats; some were strong for one plank or another in Harry Truman's platform; some simply found it good business to be on good terms with the Administration (as others were supporting the G.O.P. for the same reason). Whatever their motives, Harry Truman--who puts great store by such things--has reason to be specially grateful to the following:

Nathan Lichtblau, 45, Manhattan plastics manufacturer who also owns interests in Palm Beach real estate. A perennial assistant to Democratic treasurers since 1936, Lichtblau served as Johnson's deputy, wheedled many a sweat-stained dollar from New York's minority groups when the going was tough. The money he raised paid for the newspaper advertising campaign launched in the campaign's closing days. Says Lichtblau: "I don't want a job or anything. I work purely as an amateur."

Floyd B. Odium, 57, slim, publicity-shy president of the octopoidal Atlas Corp., a Wall Street investment company. One of the nation's most spectacular financiers (e.g., RKO, Greyhound Lines), Odium has made a specialty of buying up control of companies, putting them in good running condition, then selling out at a handsome profit. A recent buy (1947): Consolidated Vultee (he is board chairman). Other Atlas interests: United Fruit, American & Foreign Power (a subsidiary of Electric Bond & Share). A longtime Democratic angel, Odium was at first none too wild about Harry, but stoutly supported him. He gave $3,000 himself, got his associates to add $20,000 more.

Tom Evans, longtime Kansas City personal and political friend of Harry Truman. Tall, white-haired Tom Evans lent Truman $5,000 to help finance his 1940 senatorial campaign. In 1948 Evans gave $3,000 himself, raised $100,000 more in the Midwest. He owns Kansas City's station KCMO, is board chairman of Crown Drug Co., a chain with 85 stores in Missouri, Kansas and Oklahoma.

Albert M. Greenfield, onetime Republican and heavy contributor to the Vare machine, who switched allegiance in 1932. Born in the Ukraine in 1887, Greenfield is one of the biggest real-estate operators in the country, controls banks, department stores, a candy store chain (Loft), theaters and several of Philadelphia's big hotels. He is active in both Christian and Jewish charities, a prime promoter of National Brotherhood Week. He was vice chairman of Johnson's fund-raising committee. During the campaign, he got an SOS: funds were so low that the Democrats could broadcast only 15 minutes of an important Truman speech. Greenfield wired back: buy the air time, and make it half an hour. When Truman rode through the streets of Philadelphia, short, chubby Albert Greenfield rode with him.

Cornelius Vanderbilt Whitney, grandson of Cornelius Vanderbilt and son of Harry Payne Whitney. A devoted Democrat, he lent the National Committee money when things were at their gloomiest. "Sonny" Whitney helped found and finance Pan American Airways, is board chairman of Hudson Bay Mining & Smelting Co. and president of Whitney Industries, Inc., a New York State lumbering company. Since the election, Whitney has been promoted from Assistant Secretary of the Air Force to Under Secretary of Commerce.

David Dubinsky, president of Manhattan's powerful, well-run International Ladies Garment Workers. Dubinsky raised a lot of money, paid for several Truman broadcasts.

Jacob Blaustein, 56, a multimillionaire who lives at Pikesville, Md. Blaustein built a fortune in Texas and Pan American oil, is now president of the American Trading & Production Corp. A friend of Franklin Roosevelt, he made surveys of D.P.s in Germany, was vice-chairman of the Petroleum Administration for War Marketing Committee. He is now president of the

American Jewish Committee. Vice President Barkley attended a testimonial dinner this month for Blaustein, for "his untiring efforts in behalf of world Jewry."

Robert Butler, Ambassador to Cuba. Butler is a St. Paul shipbuilder, banker and construction man, and a longtime Democratic moneyman. Appointed Ambassador to Australia in 1946, he was moved to Cuba in 1948, served as a member of Johnson's fund-raising committee. He gave the legal maximum, $5,000. Other contributors from the diplomatic service: former Ambassador to Brazil William Pawley ($5,000); Ambassador to Argentina James Bruce and wife ($4,000) ; Ambassador to Canada Laurence A. Steinhardt and daughter ($10,000); EGA Ambassador W. Averell Harriman ($5,000); former Under Secretary Will Clayton and wife ($9,000). One who refused: Lewis Douglas, Ambassador to the Court of St. James's.

Milton Kronheim Sr., who controls the wholesale liquor business in the District of Columbia. Kronheim contributed $5,000 to the Democratic campaign. Young Milton Kronheim Jr. was appointed to a Washington municipal judgeship.

Edwin W. Pauley, California oilman and grain speculator, treasurer of the party (1942-45), whom Truman once nominated for Under Secretary of the Navy, an appointment he had to withdraw because of senatorial opposition. Pauley raised a lot of West Coast oil money. Seldom seen around the White House any more, he keeps in touch by long-distance telephone.

Welburn Mayock, a down-to-earth, oil-rich Los Angeles lawyer who ran the Truman-Barkley clubs and was general counsel to the National Committee. He gave $4,500. A longtime friend of and attorney for Ed Pauley, Mayock helped scotch Henry Wallace's candidacy at the 1944 convention, served as assistant to then-treasurer Pauley. The President, like most of his friends, calls him "Judge," but it is a misnomer. "I never claimed it wasn't," Mayock explains, "but I got tired of explaining it was a phony myself." He maintains law offices in Washington.

George Killion, onetime editor of the Sacramento Bee, later a legislative consultant for Safeway Stores. Killion went to Washington as assistant to the Petroleum Administrator for War, became Pauley's assistant during the 1944 campaign, later succeeded him as Democratic treasurer. In 1947, the Maritime Commission made him president of the Government-owned American President Lines at $25,000 a year.

George Luckey, vice-chairman of California's Democratic State Central Committee and a state senator. A Pauley man, Luckey was a good contributor, stuck with Truman while Jimmy Roosevelt flirted with Eisenhower and Douglas. Since the election Luckey has been fit to bust out of his cowboy boots, told a Democratic meeting recently that the state needed "a strong man for governor" who can "walk into Washington, and to the White House, and demand things for his state without being embarrassed."

J. Carroll Cone, an assistant vice president of Pan American Airways. A dedicated Democrat from Arkansas, Cone corralled money even from Dixiecrat & Republican friends, kept up good relations for Pan Am on the Democratic side of the fence. Cone gave $3,000 himself, collected $300,000 and had a hand in bringing the trainmen's A. F. Whitney backing into the Truman roundhouse.

William Helis, known in New Orleans as "The Golden Greek." Beginning as an immigrant dishwasher in New York, Helis hit it rich in California and Louisiana oil. Helis was the biggest money backer of Earl Long. In 1939 he was involved in the "hot-oil" scandals with New Orleans' former mayor and Huey Long henchman, Robert Sidney Maestri. Helis is a one-man lobby for Greece (he is a supporter of the royalist faction), once owned drilling concessions for the entire nation. He keeps a racing stable in New Jersey. During the war, he turned his yacht over to the Government. General MacArthur's command used it all during the Pacific campaign.

Curtis Colder, member of Louis Johnson's party finance committee, board chairman of Electric Bond & Share, and longtime business associate of Floyd Odium (Calder was president of American & Foreign Power from 1927 to 1944). His $3,000 check for the party arrived Nov. 22, 1948, nearly three weeks after Truman's victory. The President offered to make him Secretary of the Army; he refused.

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