Which Way the Lion?

President Sukarno flitted unheedingly from one country to another on his remarkably active "vacation tour." But back home in Indonesia, forces were gathering to organize the most serious threat to his power that Sukarno has ever faced.

As Sukarno flew into Ceylon with the cheers of Syrian demonstrators ("Long Live the Lion of Indonesia") still ringing in his gratified ears, anti-Communist politicians and dissident army commanders of the outlying provinces met to muster their forces and concert their plans at the Central Sumatran capital of Padang. The conferences began some three weeks ago in deepest secrecy. Summoned by shrewd, stocky Colonel Maludin Simbolon, the dissident commanders flew in from the Celebes and South Sumatra. The officers are mostly young colonels, and all are anti-Communists who run their areas with cool efficiency and a minimum of corruption. Soon the colonels were joined, uninvited, by some of Indonesia's top anti-Communist politicians. Among them: Masjumi Party Chairman Mohammed Natsir; Sjafruddin Prawiranegara, governor of the Bank of Indonesia; ex-Premier Burhanuddin Harahap; onetime Finance Minister Sumitro Djojohadikusumo.

The Ultimatum. The meeting was called, Simbolon told TIME Correspondent James Bell last week, because the Djakarta government had ignored an earlier demand from the colonels made last September, asking for an anti-Communist government of democracy, constitutionality, law and order. After two weeks of discussion, the conferees decided on their tactics. They would form a counter-government headed by Sjafruddin. and send an ultimatum to Acting President Sartono, demanding that he dismiss the "unconstitutional" government of Premier Djuanda and ask former Vice President Mohammed Hatta to form a national government of antiCommunists.

If Sartono rejected the ultimatum, the emergency government would become a permanent counter-government which would seek recognition from other powers as the legitimate government of all Indonesia, on the ground that the Djuanda government is actually challenged almost everywhere in Indonesia except in Java, and that it has never been invested by Parliament. Said one Padang official: "We fought for a country based on Pantja Sila [the Five Principles of belief in God, nationalism, humanitarianism, social justice and democracy]. Did we do this just to turn the country over to Communists as they are doing in Djakarta now?"

Simbolon is sure that if Djakarta defies their ultimatum, central government warplanes may soon be sent to bomb and strafe their headquarters. "We've penetrated the Djakarta government," says Simbolon calmly, "and we know that the Cabinet has decided to take military action against us at the end of February. By that time the government will have received four frigates from Italy and some arms from the Communist countries."

Separate Channels. Already the outlying areas are operating almost like separate countries. Djakarta customs officers inspect the luggage of Sumatra-bound passengers as if they were flying to a hostile country. In contrast to Djakarta, Colonel Simbolon's Padang was remarkably peaceful, secure, and spotlessly clean. It was also much healthier economically. Padang's cost-of-living index has risen 77 points in the last five years against 144 for Djakarta; bartering its rubber with Singapore produces an estimated $1,500,000 a month in profits. When Djakarta seized eight South Sumatran ships in an effort to halt the barter trade, the rebels quickly got them released by threatening to cut off Djakarta's oil supplies from Sumatra's refineries. Simbolon can also point to the fact that its barter taxes and profits have been either deposited in Padang and Palembang, pending a settlement with Djakarta, or used for public improvements, like roads, hospitals and schools.

As they dispersed last week, the conferees had not agreed on when and how the ultimatum should be delivered. Chief reason: some of the revolutionaries, military and civilian alike, want to give Sukarno a last chance.

The Choice. In an attempt to place both Sukarno's Djakarta government as well as the rest of his countrymen on notice, Rebel Premier-designate Sjafruddin addressed a blistering open letter to Sukarno. Sjafruddin lashed out at Sukarno's concept of "guided democracy" (TIME, March 4), said scathingly: "Guided democracy is fascism. I have become aware that the present government under Your Excellency's leadership will eventually destroy the nation . . . Believe me, the government prohibition against barter trade will not be heeded. How can people be "forbidden to eat rice obtained from barter if rice from [the government stores] is not forthcoming?"

Sjafruddin bluntly told Sukarno that he has only two choices: "Ask for aid from Russia and other Communist countries in the fashion of Hungary's Janos Kadar ... or, if Your Excellency still loves the Indonesian Republic, return to your constitutional position and form a new Cabinet of men like Mohammed Hatta and the Sultan of Djogjakarta, who enjoy the full confidence of the majority of the Indonesian people. It is up to Your Excellency which way you wish to take."

In his new Sumatra home, where he has moved his family because he feels no longer safe in Java, Sjafruddin explained: "This must not be a political adventure. We do not want to install ourselves in political power. What we want is to bring down something bad. The terror in Djakarta makes it impossible for Parliament to act freely. But I hope my letter will cause further developments which will make unnecessary the formation of an emergency government. If it fails, we may have no other recourse."

This file is automatically generated by a robot program, so reader's discretion is required.